1 how does this data support the idea that raising

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1) How does this data support the idea that raising constructions involve movement from the lower clause to the higher clause, and the movement leaves a trace? 2) Is sentence (b) a violation of the theta criterion? How might we make sure that it isn’t ? 9. T URKISH (Data from Moore 1998) In this chapter, we argued that the reason NP/DPs raise from embedded clauses to main clauses is that they cannot get Case in the embedded clause. Consider the following data from Turkish. What problems does this cause for our theory? Is there a simple way to explain why Turkish nouns raise? a) Biz süt içiyoruz. we milk drink “We are drinking milk.” b) Biz i sana [ CP t i süt içtik ] gibi göründük. We you- DAT milk drank like appear “We appear to you [ CP drunk milk].” 10. I MPERSONALS IN U KRAINIAN , K ANNADA , AND I RISH (The Ukrainian and Kannada data are taken from Goodall 1993. The Ukrainian data originally comes from Sobin 1985. The Kannada data is originally from Cole and Sridhar 1976.The Irish data is slightly modified from Stenson 1989.) Many languages contain a construction similar to the passive called the impersonal passive . Consider the following data from Ukrainian, Kannada, and Irish. Pay careful attention to the Case marking on the various nouns. Ukrainian a) Cerkvu bulo zbudovano v 1640 roc’i. Church- ACC was built in 1640 year “The Church was built in the year 1640.” ©2002, Andrew Carnie
Syntax: Problem Sets 48 Kannada b) Rama-nannu kollalayitu. Ramma- ACC kill. PASS “Rama was killed.” Irish c) Buaileadh iad sa gcluife deireanach. beat. PAST . PASS them. ACC in the game last “They were beaten in the last game.” What is the difference between these impersonal passive constructions and more traditional passives of English? Suggest a parameter that will account for the difference between languages like Ukrainian, Kannada, and Irish and languages like English. (Hint: the parameter will have to do with the way the passive morphology works.) 11. U NACCUSATIVES AND P ASSIVES (Data from Perlmutter and Postal 1984) In a textbox above, we mentioned the existence of a class of verbs that are essentially inherently passive. These are called unaccusatives. A surprising property of unaccusative verbs is that they don’t allow passivization. 19 a) The Shah slept in a bed. b) The bed was slept in by the Shah. c) Dust fell on the bed. unaccusative d) *The bed was fallen on by the dust. unaccusative Similar effects are seen in the following Dutch sentences. Sentence (e) is not unaccusative (we call these “unergatives”), while sentence (f) is. Both these sentences are impersonal passives. English doesn’t have this construction, so they are difficult to translate into English. e) In de zomer wordt er hier vaak gezwommen. “In the summer, there is swimming here.” f) *In de zomer wordt er hier vaak verdronken. “In the summer, there is drowning here.” 19 Strictly speaking, the data in (a–d) do not involve passivization, since the NP that is moved comes from inside a PP. The technical term for these constructions is pseudo-passivization. The differences between pseudo-passivization and passivization are not relevant to this problem set.

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