What comp be hab know at2 s always comp play fut the

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What COMP be. HAB know at.2. S always COMP play. FUT the piper “What do you always know the piper will play?”
Syntax: Problem Sets 56 ©2002, Andrew Carnie Now the distribution of the complementizer a N seems to be linked to the presence of a resumptive pronoun. Consider the (ii) sentences in (b) and (c). Both show resumptive pronouns and the complementizer a N : b) i) Bíonn fios agat i gconaí [ CP caidé i a L bhuailfidh an píobaire t i ]. be. HAB know at.2. S always what i COMP play. FUT the piper t i “You always know what the bagpiper will play.” ii) [ CP Cén Píobaire j a N [ TP mbíonn fios agat i gconaí [ CP caidé i a L bhuailfidh j t i ]]? Which piper COMP be. HAB know at.2. S always what i COMP play. FUT he “Which bagpiper do you always know what he will play?” c) i) Tá máthair an fhir san otharlann. Be. PRES mother the man. GEN in.the hospital “The man’s mother is in the hospital.” ii) a N bhfuil a i mháthair san otharlann? who COMP be. PRES his mother in.the hospital “Who is (his) mother in the hospital?” The a N complementizer and the resumptive pronouns are boldfaced in the above examples. Where precisely does the a N -resumptive strategy appear? In what syntactic environment do you get this construction? 5. B INDING T HEORY In chapter 4, you were asked why the sentence below causes a problem for the binding theory. Remind yourself of your answer, and then explain how the model of grammar we have proposed in this chapter accounts for this fact. Which pictures of himself does John despise? 6. E NGLISH Do derivations for each of the following sentences. They may involve head- to-head movement, do -insertion, expletive insertion, NP/DP movement and wh -movement. a) Car sales have surprised the stockbrokers. b) Have you seen my model airplane collection? c) Can you find the lightbulb store?
Syntax: Problem Sets 57 ©2002, Andrew Carnie d) John was bitten by an advertising executive. e) It is likely that Tami will leave New York. f) Tami is likely to leave New York. g) It seems that Susy was mugged. h) Susy seems to have been mugged. i) What did you buy at the supermarket? j) I asked what Beth bought at the supermarket. k) What is likely for Beth to have bought at the supermarket? l) What is likely to have been bought at the supermarket? 7. S ERBO -C ROATIAN 22 (Data from Bos & kovic @ 1997 as cited in Lasnik 1999a) In this chapter, we have proposed that a wh- phrase appear in the specifier of CP, to check a [WH] feature. Our account of bounding theory requires that only one wh- phrase appear in the specifier of CP. Consider the following data from Serbo-Croatian (also known as Serbian or Croatian). Assume that Serbo-Croatian is SVO at D-structure. a) Ko s & ta gdje kupuje? who what where buys “Who buys what where?” b) *Ko kupuje s & ta gdje? c) *Ko s & ta kupuje gdje? d) *Ko gdje kupuje s & ta? What problems does this data raise for our analysis? Can you see a way around these problems?

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