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Created from nyulibrary-ebooks on 2019-10-01 22:02:13. Copyright © 2017. New York University Press. All rights reserved.
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n A t I o n A L I s m r a ú l C o r o n a d o 150 yarns that would come to serve as spiritual foundations for their communities’ cultural renaissance (Valdez and Steiner 1972 ; Babín and Steiner 1974 ; Anaya and Lomelí 1989 ; Santiago 1995 ). Within the academy, where racist social scientists had long blamed Latinas/os’ culture for their socioeconomic position, a new wave of Latina/o scholars used their pens as weapons, firing off critiques and offering new conceptual models for Chicana/o and Puerto Rican history, which were influenced by the pre- vailing cultural nationalism of the period (Romano-V. 1968 ; Bonilla and González 1973 ; Almaguer 1989 ). The case of Puerto Rican nationalism, however, most certainly remains distinct, given the virtual colonial status of the island where pro- independence groups have long sought and fought for independence from the United States, the most memorable being the 1950 s Nationalist Party’s armed insurrection and the subse- quent unleashing of U.S. troops and bombs on the is- land (Denis 2015 ). Mainland Puerto Rican nationalism has long been fueled by the continuous, circular migra- tion to and from the island, enriching and producing a diasporic sense of Puerto Ricanness (Duany 2002 ; Flores 2009 ). The process is somewhat similar for Mexican American communities (the key defining difference be- ing that all Puerto Ricans were granted U.S. citizenship in 1917 , making migration easier), where the contact between recent Mexican immigrants continues to feed a sense of a Mexican American imagined community (T. Jiménez 2010 ). The social movements of the 1960 s and 1970 s pro- duced regional networks of communication that did not solidify in the way they had before. For the first time, Mexican Americans from Texas, New Mexico, Califor- nia, and other parts of the Southwest and Midwest came together, most clearly in the 1969 Denver National Chi- cano Youth Liberation conference, which saw as many as 1 , 500 participants (Ontiveros 2013 ; Gómez-Quiñones and Vásquez 2014 ). And yet because of limited techno- logical and financial means, there was little communi- cation between the large, settled communities of Chica- nas/os in the Southwest and Puerto Ricans on the East Coast, notwithstanding the well-known though smaller integrated community of Chicanas/os and Puerto Ri- cans in Chicago (F. Padilla 1985 ). It is in part for these reasons that Latina/o studies would develop along more national lines of Chicana/o studies and Puerto Rican studies, though the East Coast, because of demographic numbers, would see an expansion of Puerto Rican stud- ies to Caribbean studies as well (Cabán 2003 a). By the early 1970 s, we begin to see a small though ro- bust number of Latina/o scholars, the first generation to enter universities beyond the handful that had arrived in the early to mid- twentieth century, come together and advocate for the creation of Chicana/o and Puerto Rican studies, all in the name of their people (Cabán 2003 b). Nationalism, then, has served as a crucial an-
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