McNamara,Rewriting Zapata Generational Conflict.pdf

For the 1907 letter itself there is likely just this

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for the 1907 letter itself, there is likely just this one copy, because, significantly, the elected leaders of the community mostly refused to sign the letter, and so it did not become part of the official town archive. Still, the 1907 letter fits within a larger series of documents, and these sources shape how we should approach the offer to move from Anenecuilco. 15 13. Sotelo Incl´ an, Ra´ ız, 7. Sotelo Incl´ an talked about the challenge of gaining Franco’s trust in, Jes´ us Sotelo Incl´ an y sus conceptos, 16. 14. Several essays from a volume published in 2000 emphasize the need to examine other leaders of the Zapatista movement more than the origins of Anene- cuilco or Zapata. See, for example, Womack’s, ‘‘Los estudios del zapatismo,’’ 22–30. Womack listed nine broad questions he had about other leaders and events dealing with the Zapatista movement after 1911. He did not mention any questions about the pre-1910 origins of the movement. See also Felipe A ´ vila Espinosa, ‘‘La historiograf´ ıa del zapatismo despu´es de John Womack,’’ in Estudios sobre el zapatismo, 31–55. 15. The 1907 letter is out of the loose chronological order established by the archivists of the CPD. Most of the documents are organized within the original filing McNamara, Rewriting Zapata 129 This content downloaded from 73.244.149.220 on Mon, 08 Oct 2018 22:59:15 UTC All use subject to
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By the time D´ ıaz assumed the presidency, rural communities throughout Morelos had lost significant land to the expanding sugar economy. This process of alienation accelerated during the Porfiria- to, according to Paul Hart, especially as industrial transportation sys- tems and communication networks reached deeper into rural areas. 16 According to a capitalist plan for industrial agriculture, men without access to farmland became day laborers on the sugar estates, moved to haciendas as tenant famers and sharecroppers, or left their homes to find work as rural wage laborers. 17 The general outlines of this process are somewhat easier to see than the specific effects on any particular town. For example, Hart notes that the number of independent communities in Morelos declined from 118 in 1876 to 105 in 1887. 18 Still, scant documentary evidence from Anenecuilco reveals that some of these social changes had already happened in Zapata’s hometown. Lucino Luna has reprinted a school census from 1898 that pro- vides a glimpse into family and social life in Anenecuilco. 19 According to this census, seventy-three children between the ages of six and twelve attended elementary school in Anenecuilco. These children came from fifty different households. Nearly the same number of girls attended school as boys. More significant, 30 percent of the house- holds were headed by women, responsible for twenty-two of the children (see Table 1). Thus, in addition to the names of parents and children that can help identify individuals within the commu- nity, the census documents that nearly a third of the households
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