haidt.graham.in-press.above-and-below-left-right.pub070-as-Word.doc

We would not expect these stories to be literally

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moral and political beliefs they currently hold. We would not expect these stories to be literally true as historical accounts, but we would expect them to influence a person's behavior, including political behavior such as voting and involvement in political movements. Some psychologists may be skeptical that Level 3 really matters. Of course people tell themselves stories, but we psychologists know that such stories are often made up post-hoc (Nisbett & Wilson, 1977); they might be epiphenomena that can safely be ignored in the study of moral and political behavior. Yet even if such stories are generated post-hoc to justify the gut feelings that draw one to a particular cause, they may still have measurable effects on a variety of outcomes. For instance, Pennebaker has shown how writing about traumatic events in narrative form has both mental and physical health benefits (Pennebaker & Beall, 1986; Pennebaker, 2000). Text analyses of the words used in these narratives revealed that these benefits were predicted by increasing use of insight and causal words, indicating that participants were deriving narrative meaning from the events over the time course of the study (Pennebaker, Mayne, & Francis, 1997). Even in Haidt’s (2001) social intuitionist model, moral reasons that are generated post-hoc play an important role in influencing others, and are therefore necessary for understanding the spread of moral judgments through a population. The psychological study of ideology is currently undergoing a resurgence (Jost, 2006), fueled by excellent integrative work on Level 1 and Level 2 constructs (Braithwaite, 1998; Jost et al., 2003; Sibley & Duckitt, 2008). There is, however, little recent work on ideology at level 3 (but see Hammack, 2008; Jensen, 1998). The main recent example we know of comes from McAdams and his students (McAdams et al., 2008), who recently collected stories by interviewing 128 highly religious adults about 12 important scenes in their lives. McAdams et al. then content-analyzed these scenes using both Moral Foundations Theory (MFT) and Lakoff’s (1996) “strict father/nurturant parent” model of moral and political psychology. In the next section, we describe MFT and some recent applications of it to moral psychology and the psychology of politics. Moral Foundations Theory Moral Foundations Theory was originally designed to analyze cultures, not individuals. It was not intended to be a trait theory, nor a theory about political ideology. Rather, it was created by two psychologists (Haidt & Joseph, 2004) who had worked with the anthropologist Richard Shweder on questions of morality and culture (see Shweder, Much, Mahapatra, & Park, 1997). We were both delighted by the variability of moral practices we read about in ethnographies. We had both tried to map out the moral domain in our fieldwork in Brazil and India (for Haidt) and in Egypt (for Joseph). We both agreed wholeheartedly with Shweder's dictum that "culture and psyche make each other up" (Shweder,
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Ideology and moral foundations -- 4 1990). Yet we also both recognized that the psyche was not a blank slate; it contained certain tools or
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