a matter of strategic choice and more an unavoidable issue of moral imperative

A matter of strategic choice and more an unavoidable

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a matter of strategic choice and more an unavoidable issue of moral imperative. Not having the appropriate quantities of force (simple overstretch) and onto a problem set well beyond the traditional military uses of force (compound overstretch) can foster the illiberal practices that make American intervention seem an exercise in imperialism. There is, of course, a point of diminishing return that all great power nation-states (and empires) must come to face as they attempt to expand or merely to maintain their global status. “Nations project their military power according to their economic resources and in defense of their broad economic interests,” Paul when new technologies and new centers of production shift economic power away from established Great Powers—hence the rise and fall of nations.” 19 The mechanism that seems to lead a nation-state from liberal towards more imperial forms of intervention is military force itself, and The New York Times , February 25, 2011. 18 On troop deployments, see GlobalSecurity.org, at ops/global-deployments.htm. I have focused on the inadequacy of current military force posture from a “landpower” (US Army) standpoint for two main reasons: (1) lack of space to discuss Total Force shortfalls and (2) the nature of the 21st century security dilemma is namely a landpower and littorals challenge—ours is an incapacity to sustain force on ground we need to hold to build viable peace and stability for the duration of the intervention. This task is largely and predominantly a core Army function, and consequently from a military standpoint, a landpower shortfall. The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers (New York: Vintage Press, 1989), Introduction.
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24 Parameters 43(4) Winter 2013-14 particularly the manner in which it is used. For the Roman Empire, it was the legions—the institution of last resort—that, in their efforts to secure Rome and her empire by means of increasingly authoritarian uses of coercive force, contributed to her decline. Great care must be taken to ensure that the actions our own “legions” take in defense of liberalism do not have the unintended effect of fostering illiberalism. To turn to our technological preeminence for solutions to vexing human problems of this sort is to confuse the fruit of our success with the cause of it. We do not enjoy power because of our advanced technol- ogy; we enjoy advanced technology because of our power. In summary, it is important, essential, that the United States now reconsider its understandings of power and its uses of force for at least two reasons. First, the United States must, as a nation, recognize that it is, in and of itself, a system effect. 20 For better or worse, or perhaps mixes of both, and particularly since its “last great power standing” rise to global hegemony in the wake of World War II, the choices the United States makes in where and how it intervenes (including those choices of where not to intervene) are not merely US choices, but choices that impact the entire world-system.
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