Approach and pointed instead to the likelihood of

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approach and pointed instead to the likelihood of core and periphery areas of the global economy remaining distinct despite incorporation into the capitalist world economy: Johann Galtung, for example, developed a structural theory of imperial-ism, hypothesizing that the mutually beneficial political and economic relationships between elites in core and periphery countries would maintain the structural pattern of dependency in the global economy: 44 There is. considerable risk when one attempts to generalize about this diverse range of theories, but most do share some essential characteristics. The approaches tend to be based on an analysis of the socio-political effects of economic structure and therefore do not adequately deal with the relation-ship between structure and agency: In this sense, most are reductionist like the liberal approach. This is not surprising; Marx regarded his work as a critique of the classical liberal political economists, and thus he focused on a similar set of intellectual problems. Politics in the domestic and internation-al domains tends to be reduced to a function of the capitalist production structure and the division of society into classes, which is in turn a result of the individual's relationship to the means of produc-tion.45 Yet the theories are weak on explaining just how this relationship between political power and economic structure is articulated; 'there is an essen-tial, missing ingredient -a theory of how struc-tures themselves originate, change, work, and reproduce themselves . '46 Once again, what is needed is a theory of politics in the wider sense of the word. Antonio Gramsci, the Italian Marxist of the interwar period, attempted to develop a more agent-centric and therefore political explanation of the relationship between economic structure and Conceptualizing the Changing Global Order 15 political processes at domestic and international levels of analysis. He sought to explain the relative durability and legitimacy of the capitalist system, despite its clear inequalities and historical tenden-cy to periodic major crises such as the 1930s Depression. How could such a system be simulta-neously oppressive and unstable on the one hand, yet enduring and resilient on the other? Surely it must satisfy enough of the people enough of the time. Gramsci postulated that the political dynam-ics of the state were important: to be sure, class domination existed, but it was a series of complex political compromises between capitalists, work-ers, small landholders, and so on. These political compromises at the heart of the state are what ren-dered the market and capitalist system of produc-tion essentially legitimate instruments of gover-nance. In this sense he sought to avoid the problem of economic reductionism and to resolve in impor-tant ways the structure-agent problem.

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