F / \ / | \ /|\ ÷ A l pen
Avoidance of hiatus In Maori and Hawaiian (in some contexts, since Hawaiian has glide formation in some other environments), faithfulness wins. There is just no rule repairing hiatus. In a representational model, syllables do not need onsets.
Avoidance of hiatus Comparing French, German and Maori, the fact that syllable templates are different in the three languages must be formulated as an independent fact of the language. It is an accident that Maori tolerates more onsetless syllables than English and German and that German requires onsets for their stressed syllables.
Kind of conflicts found in phonology 2. Markedness vs. markedness • Different modules of phonology make different predictions. • One aspect of phonology can require some kind of unmarked structure and another aspect some other unmarked structure for the same segmental or syllabic material.
Metrical phonology A good place to look for conflicts between 2 kinds of markedness is Metrical phonology. Trochaic-Iambic Law (Hayes 1995) A canonical trochee ( ' ) consists of two equal syllables, in which both s have the same weight, (mono- or bimoraic, or just syllables). In contrast, a canonical iamb ( ' ) consists of unequal syllables: is lighter than '
Metrical phonology This requirement is conflicting with the requirement that all syllables have the structure CV. • To produce good iambs, French lengthens the last syllable but Beduin Arabic reduces the first syllable. Kitib becomes k.tib (McCarthy 2000) The first syllable looses its vowel and becomes badly marked. However it is more important for the language to respect the requirement of a good iamb. Final [b] is extrametrical.
Metrical phonology • A purely derivational approach to phonology has problems with metrical facts. SPE proposed a complex system of ordered rules to account for stress in English, in which stress was an ordinary feature [±stress] but as Liberman & Prince showed, some of the basic properties of stress cannot be accounted for in such a model.
Metrical phonology The special properties of stress (in comparison with segmental features) • - stress is associated with a syllable (not to a segment) • - relativity (a syllable is stressed only in comparison with an adjacent unstressed or less stressed one) • - no invariant phonetic correlate • - no assimilation
Metrical phonology Representational approach of Liberman & Prince: Metrical tree w s / \ / \ w s / s / \ / \ / / \ s w s w w s w Belgian farmers grow turnips
Metrical phonology Metrical grid x x x x x x x x x x x x x x Belgian farmers grow turnips Both metrical methods were heavily loaded with derivational methods
Metrical phonology Prince (1990), Hayes (1995) and others proposed an inventory of feet, to which syllables associate. However, a great deal of repairs are necessary (extrametricaliy, degenerate feet and the like) OT is more elegant.
Kind of conflicts found in phonology 3. Alignment and other requirements The last kind of conflict that will be mentioned today has to do with alignment effects.
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