70 jack a goldstone east and west in the seventeenth

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70. Jack A. Goldstone, “East and West in the Seventeenth Century: Political Crises in Stuart England, Ottoman Turkey, and Ming China,” Comparative Studies in Society and History (January 1988), pp. 103–142; Jack A. Goldstone, Revolution and Re- bellion in the Early Modern World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991); Charles Tilly, The Contentious French (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1986). 71. Janet Martin, “Muscovy’s Northeast Expansion: The Context and a Cause,” Cahiers du Monde Russe et Soviétique 24 (1983), pp. 459–470. 72. Nicholas Riasanovsky, A History of Russia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 170–171. 73. David M. Farquhar, “The Origins of the Manchus’ Mongolian Policy,” in The Chinese World Order, ed. John K. Fairbank (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968), pp. 198–205; Kanda Nobuo et al., Manbun R à t à , 1:67; Wakeman, Great Enterprise, p. 55. For translations of Mongolian documents on this subject, see Nicola Di Cosmo and Dalizhabu Bao, Manchu-Mongol Relations on the Eve of the Qing Con- quest: A Documentary History (Leiden: Brill, 2003). 74. John D. Langlois, ed., China under Mongol Rule (Princeton: Princeton Univer- sity Press, 1981), pp. 7, 307. 75. Hummel, Eminent Chinese, pp. 213, 225; Linke, Zur Entwicklung, pp. 112– 123; Wakeman, Great Enterprise, pp. 43–44. 76. Wakeman, Great Enterprise, p. 57. 77. Linke, Zur Entwicklung, p. 220; Wakeman, Great Enterprise, p. 71. 78. Langlois, China under Mongol Rule, pp. 3–5. 79. Farquhar, “Origins of the Manchus’ Mongolian Policy,” p. 203. 80. Ibid.; Michael, Origin of Manchu Rule, p. 65. 81. Romeyn Taylor, “Yuan Origins of the Wei-suo System,” in Chinese Govern- ment in Ming Times: Seven Studies, ed. Charles O. Hucker (New York: Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1969), pp. 23–40. 82. Farquhar, “Origins of the Manchus’ Mongolian Policy,” p. 15. 83. To be sure, we could trace the origins of the banners back further, to the Jurchen Jin, for example, and similar organizations are found in other Central Eurasian socie- ties. For the purposes of my argument, the proximate link to the Mongols is sufficient. notes to pages 119–124 609
84. Roberto M. Unger, Plasticity into Power: Comparative-Historical Studies on the Institutional Conditions of Economic and Military Success (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), p. 59. 85. Hua Li, “Qingdai di ManMeng lianyin” (Manchu and Mongol connections during the Qing dynasty), Minzu Yanjiu (February 1983), pp. 45–54. 86. Cf. Lien-sheng Yang, “Historical Notes on the Chinese World Order,” in The Chinese World Order: Traditional China’s Foreign Relations, ed. John K. Fairbank (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968), pp. 20–33; Ying-shih Yu, “Han Foreign Relations,” in The Cambridge History of China, vol. 1, The Ch’in and Han Em- pires, 221 b.c.–a.d. 220, ed. Denis Twitchett and Michael Loewe (New York: Cam- bridge University Press, 1986), pp. 377–462; Ying-shih Yu, Trade and Expansion in Han China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967). For modern Chinese na- tionalist invocation of heqin as a model of minority peoples’ relationships with Han, see Uradyn Erden Bulag, The Mongols at China’s Edge: History and the Politics of National Unity (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2002).

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