And commentators today predict the emergence of a

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; and commentators today predict the emergence of a ChineseMonroe Doctrine.35US leaders conferred joint ownership of the doctrine tothose they deemed reliable allies that had achieved “civilized” status. TheodoreRoosevelt decided that Argentina, Brazil, and Chile were “guarantors of thedoctrine so far as America south of the Equator is concerned” (in contrast,Roosevelt contended that to ask the same of(p.30)states in the Caribbean andCentral America “would be about like asking the Apaches and Utes to guaranteeit”).36Another sign of the international reach of the Monroe Doctrine can be seen inthe establishment of competing foreign policy “doctrines.” During the 1902Venezuela debt crisis, Argentine Foreign Minister Luís Maria Drago proposed ahemispheric policy of prohibiting the forcible collection of debts by Europeanpowers. Initially presented as a complement to the 1823 message, in time the“Drago Doctrine” became an alternative to the unilateral interventionism of theRoosevelt Corollary.37In Mexico Porfirio Díaz similarly called for a “DíazDoctrine” in which the states of the Americas would collectively enforce the1823 prohibition of European colonization and intervention.38In later times, theSoviet Union’s “Brezhnev Doctrine” asserted the right of intervention incommunist countries (though this was eventually superseded by Gorbachev’s so-called “Sinatra Doctrine,” which enabled Eastern Europeans to follow thesinger’s advice from “My Way”).
The Monroe Doctrine in the Nineteenth CenturyPage12of18PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARSHIP ONLINE (). (c) Copyright Oxford University Press, 2020. AllRights Reserved. An individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a monograph in OSO for personal use.Subscriber: Georgetown University; date: 11 July 2020The proliferation of such “doctrines” reshaped the rhetorical style and politicalsalesmanship employed by US statesmen. Nineteenth-century presidents andsecretaries of state sought the cover of tradition by invoking Monroe. As late as1917, Woodrow Wilson chose not to create a “Wilson Doctrine,” but rather topresent his internationalist vision as an outgrowth of the Monroe Doctrine.39Bythe mid-twentieth century, however, American presidents began to pronouncetheir own foreign policy doctrines. Indeed, most presidents since Truman haveone named after them, even if they did not actually formulate a new or coherentdiplomatic strategy. Here we have come full-circle, for the purpose ofpresidential foreign policy doctrines in recent times has been as much for apresident or his partisans to communicate a position to a domestic audience as ithas been to proclaim a new diplomatic approach or objective.40All of these themes can be seen not only in the original articulation of the 1823message but also in the formulation of the Roosevelt Corollary to the MonroeDoctrine in 1904. Viewed from the outside-in, the corollary was the product ofspecific geopolitical contingencies in the Caribbean. Yet, more than this, it was

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Term
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Theodore Roosevelt, John Quincy Adams, James Monroe, Foreign policy of the United States

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