the quartet orchestrating the second american revolution 1783 1789.pdf

27 jm to tj 24 october 1787 mp 10208 28 madison is a

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27. JM to TJ, 24 October 1787, MP 10:208. 28. Madison is a much-studied thinker, and for this moment in his career three books strike me as seminal: Marvin Meyers, The Mind of the Founder: Sources of the Political Thought of James Madison (Hanover, N.H., 1981); Lance Banning, The Sacred Fire of Liberty: James Madison and the Founding Federal Republic (Ithaca, N.Y., 1995); and Drew R. McCoy, The Last of the Fathers: James Madison and the Republican Legacy (Cambridge, U.K., 1989). My interpretation here tends to deviate from the mainstream because his most distinguished biographers see him primarily as a
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political philosopher. I see him as a political strategist, whose ideas were developed in specific contexts, usually in response to arguments he sought to counter and, in this case, political developments that he had not anticipated. His greatest gift was intellectual agility, not consistency. 29. Maier, Ratification , 155–211; Hancock’s speech on recommended amendments is in Bernard Bailyn, ed., The Debate on the Constitution , 2 vols. (New York, 1993), 1:941–42. The proposed amendments are best discussed in Saul Cornell, The Other Founders: Anti-Federalism and the Dissenting Tradition in America, 1788–1828 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1999), 30–31. I embrace Cornell’s estimate of 124 proposed amendments by the state ratifying conventions. There were actually more than 200 amendments, but many were duplications. 30. My interpretation of the Antifederalists—again, the term is misrepresentative—aligns itself with the landmark essay by Cecelia Kenyon, “Men of Little Faith: The Anti-Federalists on the Nature of Representative Government,” WMQ 12 (January 1953): 3–43; a somewhat updated version of the same interpretation is in James H. Hutson, “Country, Court, and Constitution: Antifederalism and the Historians,” WMQ 35 (October 1981): 337–68. See also Herbert J. Storing, What the Anti- Federalists Were For (Chicago, 1981). The central impulse of the Antifederalists was not democracy but an antigovernment ethos that had proved so effective opposing British policy in the prewar years. It was an inherently oppositional ideology with libertarian implications that distrusted any and all forms of government power. In that sense, it was inherently incompatible with a nation-size republic. It looked backward rather than forward, though eventually found its fullest expression in the government under the Confederacy in 1861–65. The Tea Party movement that emerged in the twenty-first century is a modern-day echo of the Antifederalist mentality. For a characteristically shrewd assessment of the Federalist Papers, see Bernard Bailyn, “The Federalist Papers,” in To Begin the World Anew: The Genius and Ambiguities of the American Founders (New York, 2003), 100–125. 31. Chernow, Hamilton , 247; Elizabeth Fleet, ed., “Madison’s Detached Memoranda,” WMQ 3 (1946): 563. 32. Editorial note, MP 10:259–60; Editorial note, HP 4:287–301; Elaine Crane, “Publius in the Provinces: Where Was the Federalist Reprinted Outside New York City?,” WMQ 21 (1964): 589–92; Larry D. Kramer, “Madison’s Audience,” Harvard Law Review 112 (January 1999): 611–99. The two-volume published version of the Federalist Papers became available in time to influence the
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