Chandler had just settled into his position as

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Chandler had just settled into his position as baseball commissioner, and most sports observers predicted that the Southern politician would bring Rickey to heel. In later years, Chandler claimed that he had looked Rickey in the eye and told him that, if Jackie Robinson came to the big leagues, he would be treated like any white player. "Plenty of Negro boys had offered to fight and die for this country" in the Second World War; "if they couldn't engage in baseball after the war that just wasn't right."107 While he may have exaggerated his own role in the Rob inson affair, there is no doubt that Chandler, unlike his predecessor, Kene A second test had had ordered come in his final the integration of Kentucky towns. term as Four days governor saw Mountain Landis, offered Rickey at least passive support. 108 in 1955 when federal courts two small western
the public schools in Sturgis and Clay, before the scheduled opening of schools, Clay's mayor, Herman Clark, who virtually owned the town of sixteen hundred-had called Chandler at the governor's mansion. "Albert," he warned his old friend, "I just want to tell you ... no nigger [is] going to school here." The next morning, Clay's citizens awakened to the sound of a Kentucky State National Guard tank and three thousand Guardsmen march ing down the town's two-block-long main street and on out to the high school. In a crowded press conference, Chandler explained his decision: "It's not my job to put blacks in the school, but if they show up, it's my job to see they are protected." He made the first high-level black political appointment in Kentucky in the twentieth century, integrated state parks with a stroke of the pen, repeatedly counseled Kentuckians to respect the decisions of the federal courts even when they disagreed with them, and bluntly told con stituents that the court's decision outlawing segregation was "morally cor rect."109 Chandler was proud of his role in bringing Jackie Robinson to baseball and scornful of the kind of die-hard segregationist antics that had marked Wallace's career. But he also missed the excitement of politics. "Dammit, how much golf can you play anyway?" he complained after a decade of quiet retirement. 110 Over a period of weeks, Trammell, Morgan, and Cecil Jackson gradually wore down Wallace, though he kept returning to Chandler's apostasy on race. It would enrage many of his supporters, he warned. It was precisely because he was a moderate that Chandler would be so valuable to the ticket, countered the three. "We have all the nuts in the country," argued Trammell. "We have all the Ku Klux Klan, we have the Birch Society. We have the White Citizens' Council." With Chandler, "we could get some decent people-you working one side of the street and he working the other side."m In early August, an uneasy Wallace finally gave the go-ahead and a prom ise that the campaign would not be issues. Chandler agreed to join the ticket. By early September, word of his selection leaked to re porters who described it as a "done deal." 112 And then the phones started ringing in Montgomery. The chairman of Wallace's campaign in Kentucky
denounced Chandler as an "out-and-out integrationist" and resigned. Seven other

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