S administrations but with the end of the cold war

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all this was done with the knowledge, if not outright approval, of U.S. administrations.  But with the end of the Cold War, Washington's attitudes began to change. The State  Department began pressuring Indonesia to curb its human rights abuses. In 1992, after  Indonesian military units massacred peaceful demonstrators in Dili, East Timor,  Congress terminated military aid to the Indonesian government. By 1996, Indonesian  reformists had begun taking to the streets, openly talking about corruption in high  offices, the military's excesses, and the need for free and fair elections. Then, in 1997,  the bottom fell out. A run on currencies and securities throughout Asia engulfed an  Indonesian economy already corroded by decades of corruption. The rupiah's value fell  85 percent in a matter of months. Indonesian companies that had borrowed in dollars  saw their balance sheets collapse. In exchange for a $43 billion bailout, the Western- dominated International Monetary Fund, or IMF, insisted on a  series of austerity measures (cutting government subsidies, raising interest rates) that  would lead the price of such staples as rice and kerosene to nearly double. By the time  the crisis was over, Indonesia's economy had contracted almost 14 percent. Riots and  demonstrations grew so severe that Suharto was finally forced to resign, and in 1998  the country's first free elections were held, with some forty-eight parties vying for seats  and some ninety-three million people casting their votes.  On the surface, at least, Indonesia has survived the twin shocks of financial meltdown  and democratization. The stock market is booming, and a second national election went  off without major incident, leading to a peaceful transfer of power. If corruption remains  endemic and the military remains a potent force, there's been an explosion of  independent newspapers and political parties to channel discontent. On the other hand,  democracy hasn't brought a return to prosperity. Per capita income is nearly 22 percent  less than it was in 1997. The gap between rich and poor, always cavernous, appears to  have worsened. The average Indonesian's sense of deprivation is amplified by the  Internet and satellite TV, which beam in images of the unattainable riches of London,  New York, Hong Kong, and Paris in exquisite detail. And anti-American sentiment, 
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almost nonexistent during the Suharto years, is now widespread, thanks in part to  perceptions that New York speculators and the IMF purposely triggered the Asian  financial crisis. In a 2003 poll, most Indonesians had a higher opinion of Osama bin  Laden than they did of George W. Bush. 
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