Overall the effects of the emphasis on psychosocial approaches was much less to

Overall the effects of the emphasis on psychosocial

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and Albania, is particularly instructive. Overall, the effects of the emphasis on psychosocial approaches was much less to open up the field to a wider range of perspectives than to reinforce traditional hierarchies, between academics and practitioners, between professionals and non-professionals, between psychologists and members of other disciplines, and indeed between Croatia and Bosnia, and urban and rural areas within these countries. The extended amplification of these hierarchies further marginalized any attention, above and beyond rhetoric, to user involvement, community-based services, and that over-used term empowerment. Indeed, as the PTSD movement began to be critiqued, it was the work of NGOs, largely unsustainable because of their reliance on emergency foreign funding, which contracted, leaving the field to be dominated even more by the core, now closer to mainstream government-controlled services, in which prestigious projects, based on clinical, medicalizing, and pathologizing approaches, came to dominate. 5. CRITICAL PERSPECTIVES REASSESSED It is very difficult, from the perspective of someone involved from the inside in opposing the PTSD movement, to assess what the impact of the critique was. It cannot be disputed, however, that by mid-1996, there was much less emphasis, certainly within priorities for funding of NGOs, on projects connected with ‘trauma’ questions. In part, this may have been a rational response to changing circumstances and needs, and to initial evaluations which tended, at best, to be inconclusive about the value of the most costly, expert-led, approaches. In some ways, in the post-Dayton situation of Bosnia- Herzegovina, questions of refugee return and of democratization became more pressing, and with other, newly formed, epistemic communities showing almost no interest in trauma questions - the limited impact which Inger Agger had when she moved to the OSCE in Bosnia is, perhaps, an indication of this. In addition, in Croatia, issues of the reintegration of Eastern Slavonia, of refugee return, and of support for a more balanced third sector also took precedence in the context, in any case, of declining international financial support. Nevertheless, in the trend-based world of humanitarian aid and development, in which priorities are developed and sustained according to crude ‘sound bites’ as much as rational planning, the critique probably was important in challenging what had been up to that point, a more or less unshakeable belief in the psychosocial approach. Two anecdotes are, perhaps, relevant here. As early as the middle of 1995, I was approached by Jadranka Mimica, a Croatian psychologist working as assistant to Inger Agger in
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TRANSFORMING LOCAL AND GLOBAL DISCOURSES 61 ECTF, who had been asked by ECTF in Brussels, to explore community development approaches. Finding common ground, we expanded our analysis in a text published in the Community Development Journal which stated that, in Croatia, ‘the psycho- has dominated at the expense of the social’ (Mimica & Stubbs, 1996; 286) and outlining a
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