The estimate was derived by summing crime victims estimates of the amount of

The estimate was derived by summing crime victims

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The estimate was derived by summing crime victims' estimates of the amount of stolen cash, the value of stolen property, medical expenses and the amount of pay lost from work because of injuries, police-related activities, court-related activities, or time spent repairing or replacing property." Not all of that $16.6 billion came from poor and nearly poor victims, but much of it did. The rate of criminal victimization is higher in cities, where most of the poor live , than in suburbs or non- metropolitan areas. It is highest by far in cities our size -- 500,000-999,999 -- half again the rate for large metropolitan suburbs, more than double the rate for medium metro suburbs. The rate of criminal victimization also correlates to income f or many crimes. Someone with an income of less than $7,500 is three times more likely to be robbed than someone with an income over $50,000, and is twice as likely to be assaulted. That $16.6 billion surely underestimates the annual monetary cost of crime . Think of the lost wages of people who won't take a better-paying job -- or a job at all -- because of fear of street crime. Think of higher insurance costs in high crime neighborhoods. Think of paying for home security systems out of food budgets. So it seems to me that a real federal anti-poverty effort would be one aimed at reducing crime, especially inner city crime, and in my view that would be money spent on more police officers. I mean a lot more money. Not the few hundred million dollars the Bush administration proposes or the billion Sen. Joe Biden proposes.
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4] The plan is key to adaptation to job killing tech that destroys sources of income and will leave many in poverty. Devarajan 17 [Shanta. "Three Reasons for Universal Basic Income | Brookings Institution." Brookings. Brookings, 20 Apr. 2017. Web. 24 June 2017. - income//////NG] Adjusting to labor-saving tech nologies. Advances in a rtificial i ntelligence, robot ic s , and other techn ologies have called into question the future of work . The dilemma is that with these tech nologies productivity will increase but many people will lose their jobs ( self-driving trucks are an example ). Managing this transition is difficult from an economic, political, and moral viewpoint. A system where part of the increase in productivity is taxed , and then distributed as cash transfers to all citizens , whether they are working or not, could help resolve some of the tension . The programs being piloted or proposed in Finland, Switzerland , and New Zealand are essentially aimed in this direction. They challenge the basic notion that you earn your income by working in a job. While this notion has been around at least since the Industrial Revolution, perhaps it needs to be revisited in light of rapid changes in technology . We could envision a society where productivity is high enough that everyone receives a basic minimum income, and people choose to work on whatever they’re good at (including not working at all).
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