the quartet orchestrating the second american revolution 1783 1789.pdf

3 my interpretation here is much influenced by

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3. My interpretation here is much influenced by Hendrickson, Peace Pact . See Appendix A, this page . 4. Ibid. Two of the most important books on the government under the Articles of Confederation announce in their titles the exact opposite of what the Articles created. Jack Rakove, The Beginnings
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of National Politics: An Interpretive History of the Continental Congress (Baltimore, 1979), and Merrill Jensen, The New Nation: The History of the United States During the Confederation (New York, 1950), are both major works that contain invaluable information not to be found elsewhere. But both insist on the existence of a national ethos beyond the heady years of 1775–76—Jensen rather brazenly, Rakove more obliquely—that strikes me as misguided. State and local priorities were in the saddle by the fall of 1776, and they dictated the state-based structure of the Articles. Rakove seems to grasp this, despite his title. Jensen does not. 5. The Adams prescription for state governments is in AP 4:65–73. My earlier effort to explain the influence of Thoughts on Government is in American Creation: Triumphs and Tragedies at the Founding of the Republic (New York, 2007), 46–49. The point here is that there was a commonly accepted formula for a viable and balanced republican government in place that most of the states followed. The failure of the Articles to embody that formula suggested that they were never intended to function as a government because a truly national government remained unimaginable. 6. Appendix A, this page . 7. Rakove, Beginnings of National Politics , 63–86, is at his best here, in the earliest stages of the war, when the revolutionary fires still burned brightly. For the Rush quotation, see DA 2:247. 8. LDC 4:233–50, for the Dickinson Draft. Merrill Jensen, The Articles of Confederation: An Interpretation (Madison, Wis., 1941), 126–39, tends to emphasize the nationalistic features of the document. Hendrickson, Peace Pact , 127–37, emphasizes the confederationist elements. 9. DA 2:245–46; JP 1:320–23. 10. LDC 4:338–39. 11. JCC 5:425–31, 546–56; FP 22:536–38, for the editorial note on Franklin’s role in the debate. 12. LDC 4:242; DA 2:245; FP 22:538. 13. DA 2:249; JP 1:323–27. 14. DA 2:241–43, 249–50; JP 1:462–65. 15. JA to Hezekiah Niles, 13 February 1818, Works 10:283. 16. JA to Joseph Hawley, 25 August 1776, LDC 5:60–62. 17. Burke’s “Remarks” are in LDC 3:419–21, 433–77. There is a spirited scholarly debate over the significance and influence of Burke’s amendment; it is nicely synthesized in Hendrickson, Peace Pact , 343–44. Historians who detect a lurking nationalistic dimension in the Dickinson Draft regard Burke’s role in demanding a clear statement of state sovereignty as crucial. But Hendrickson does not think the Dickinson Draft was that nationalistic to begin with and therefore sees Burke’s amendment as a mere clarification of the broad consensus on the confederation model. I tend to agree with Hendrickson.
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