who refused to move the capital into the floodplain where it would be better

Who refused to move the capital into the floodplain

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who refused to move the capital into the floodplain where it would be better situated relative to trade routes. Further, the king received profits from ivory and distributed within his court, shutting out the Barotse. Though the details are not clear, Birmingham (1976) ties the restoration of Lozi independence to this trade. He argues that traders operated independently of the state, and the second Kololo king was followed by an interregnum before a Lozi king was restored in the 1870s. He suggests that the western ivory trade “may have facilitated” this restoration. Gluckman (1941) suggests that the restored Lozi king traded cattle, ivory and slaves on his own account for trade goods that he distributed, both among his own people and among subject tribes. Overall, these are consistent with the Ricardian view that opportunities for trade give rise to states. While Songhai and Oyo expanded to capture more territory, they did so after having arisen in a location favorable to trade across ecological zones. The Luba too expanded after 1780, but did so based on power already acquired through prox- imity to the Bisa ivory trade. When that trade declined, the kingdom collapsed. The pre-Kololo Lozi dominance over surrounding peoples, while stemming in part from the cohesion deriving from their environment, also depended on the ability to trade and collect tribute in the diverse products of their neighbors. That the Suku participated in long-distance trade while possessing only limited internal markets further supports that
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ECOLOGY, TRADE AND STATES IN PRE-COLONIAL AFRICA 25 T ABLE 13. Alternative stories: Additional controls and ethnic competition [Table 13 here] it is the ability to trade the products of different macro-ecological regions that matters most. In every case, rulers relied heavily on taxing trade. The exception is Toro, which emerged in a region with an existing trade in salt and iron, but conquered Busongora in part to capture the most important source of salt in the region. Toro, however, inherited its political structure from Bunyoro, which had previously grown strong in part due to its sale of metal goods and control of the Kibiro salt industry. My third strategy for dismissing this alternative explanation is to control directly for area. This is not done in the main analysis, because it is potentially endogenous. States that independently develop strong states might have larger areas, biasing the coefficient on both area and potentially on the other coefficients. With that caveat in mind, if it is only through expansion that states become correlated with ecological diversity, there should be no correlation conditional on area. I include it, then, as an additional regres- sor in Table 13. The impact of area is negligible, and the coefficient remains significant, positive, and of a similar magnitude.
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