Anchor the emergence of contemporary manhood in speci

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anchor the emergence of contemporary manhood in speci fi c historical and social contexts. I then spell out the ways in which this version of masculinity emerged in the United States, by tracing both psycho- analytic developmental sequences and a historical trajectory in the development of marketplace relationships. [ Two sections, one on ‘Classical Social Theory as a Hidden Meditation of Manhood’ and one on ‘Masculinity as History and the History of Masculinity’ were omitted from this version of the essay. In the fi rst of these sections, Kimmel analyzes four quotes from Marx/Engels, Tocqueville, Weber, and Freud, and demonstrates how these seemingly innocuous statements embody western conceptions of manhood, and in particular the signi fi cance of the American ideology of the ‘self-made man’. In the second section, Kimmel identi fi es two prevalent models of American manhood in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries: the ‘Genteel Patriarch’ and the ‘Heroic Artisan’. He explores, also, how these models were eclipsed by ‘Marketplace Man’, a new masculine identity that emerged in the 1830s. Much of this work is elaborated in Manhood in America: A Cultural History (New York: Free Press, 1996) .] ......................................................................................................................... MASCULINITIES AS POWER RELATIONS ......................................................................................................................... Marketplace Masculinity describes the normative de fi nition of American masculinity. It describes his characteristics—aggression, competition, anxiety—and the arena in which those characteristics are masculinity as homophobia 183
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deployed—the public sphere, the marketplace. If the marketplace is the arena in which manhood is tested and proved, it is a gendered arena, in which tensions between women and men and tensions among di ff erent groups of men are weighted with meaning. These tensions suggest that cultural de fi nitions of gender are played out in a contested terrain and are themselves power relations. All masculinities are not created equal; or rather, we are all created equal, but any hypothetical equality evaporates quickly because our de fi nitions of masculinity are not equally valued in our society. One de fi nition of manhood continues to remain the standard against which other forms of manhood are measured and evaluated. Within the dominant culture, the masculinity that de fi nes white, middle class, early middle-aged, heterosexual men is the masculinity that sets the standards for other men, against which other men are measured and, more often than not, found wanting. Sociologist Erving Go ff man (1963) wrote that in America, there is only ‘one complete, unblushing male’: a young, married, white, urban, northern heterosexual, Protestant father of college education, fully employed, of good complexion, weight and height, and a recent record in sports. Every American male tends to look out upon the world from this perspective. . . . Any male who fails to qualify in any one of these ways is likely to view himself . . . as unworthy, incomplete, and inferior.
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