Manifest destinies the making of the mexican american

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Manifest Destinies: The Making of the Mexican American Race(New York, 2007), 4; Albert Camarillo, Chicanos in a Changing Society: From Mexican Pueblos to American Barrios in Santa Barbara and Southern California, 1848–1930(Cambridge, Mass., 1979); Albert Hurtado, Intimate Frontiers: Sex, Gender, and Culture in Old California(Albuquerque, 1999); David Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans in the Making of Texas, 1836–1986(Austin, 1987); Mario Barrera, Race and Class in the Southwest: A Theory of Racial Inequality(Notre Dame, 1979); Johnson, Revolution in Texas;Tomás Almaguer, Racial Fault Lines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy in California(Berkeley, 1994), 101–4. Eric V. Meeks, Border Citizens: The Making of Indians, Mexicans, and Anglos in Arizona(Austin, 2007), 82.
408September 2011The Journal of American Historybeen nullified . . . [because] a law loses its force if not executed.” “Between the white American and the negro,” he concluded “the bronzed has come to be an intermediate class.”9When white Americans attempted to place Mexicans in their racial hierarchy, they focused on the theme of “mongrelization” and other demeaning understandings of racial mixture. Elite and popular discourses of white supremacy contrasted a supposed white or Nordic or Teutonic purity with the chaos and conflict brought by mixed ancestry. “They are a mixture, a mule race or cross-breed,” one south Texas farmer informed an inter-viewer in the 1920s. “The Spaniard is a cross between a Moor or a Castilian, and the Indian is a cross with them. I know a case in which the father is a mixture of Indian, white, and Negro. The mother is Mexican. . . . When you cross five races you get mean-ness.” Lothrop Stoddard struck a similar note in his influential 1920 The Rising Tide of Color against White World-Supremacy,which largely dismissed the possibility of a Latin American challenge to white supremacy because “the normal state of tropical America is anarchy” due to the “mongrel’s political ascendancy . . . these unhappy beings, every cell of whose bodies is a battle-ground of jarring heredities, express their souls in acts of hectic violence and aimless instability.”10Both despite and because of this racist animosity, lulac spread quickly across south Texas, the rest of the state, and then the rest of the Southwest. Membership grew through-out the 1930s, even in the face of the Great Depression and the federal government’s deportation campaigns. By World War II, lulac had over eighty councils in Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, California, and Kansas, though the bulk of its membership and power remained in Texas, particularly in south Texas. lulac used its influence to oppose local segregation ordinances, pursue lawsuits against school segregation, encourage naturaliza-tion by Mexican immigrants, and register many Mexican Americans to vote. The end of World War II bolstered such efforts, as returning veterans revitalized the league and formed other organizations to defend the civil rights of Mexican Americans. The organi-

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