Interestingly however this effect only occurred with Black partners but not

Interestingly however this effect only occurred with

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condition. Interestingly, however, this effect only occurred with Black partners, but not White partners, suggesting that metacognitive fluency may have a selective influence on intergroup interactions. Soliman and Glenberg’s sensorimotor tuning approach (2014) and Pearson and Dovidio’s metacognitive fluency account (2014) provide unique insights into the topic of intergroup contact. It is important to note, however, that these approaches should not be seen as fundamentally incompatible with traditionally cognitive approaches. To the contrary, embodied approaches may oftentimes provide the greatest value when combined with cognitive perspectives.
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EMBODIED PREJUDICE 14 For example, social categorization—oftentimes considered a prototypically cognitive process—has been found to modulate experiences of metacognitive fluency in intergroup contexts. For instance, in one study (Rubin, 1992), American participants who listened to an audio lecture from a professor who was categorized as Asian (based on a photograph) rated the lecturer as having a stronger accent than participants listening to the exact same audio clip, but from an ostensibly American lecturer. Furthermore, participants who listened to the “Asian” lecturer exhibited reduced knowledge comprehension, suggesting that reduced metacognitive fluency may have impacts on how ingroups process outgroup behaviors. Intergroup Interaction as a Skill It is perhaps not surprising that ingroups frequently experience anxiety, fear, or discomfort when interacting with outgroups (Stephan & Stephan, 2000). One interpretation of this effect is that although many individuals generally possess a desire to have smooth and harmonious intergroup interactions, they do not have the required skills and experience to do so. While often not explicitly acknowledged in the prejudice literature, knowing “how to act” with outgroups requires considerable learning and expertise. In most social contexts, individuals possess an “implicit repertoire” (Soliman & Glenberg, 2014; p. 210) or “implicit relational knowledge” (Lyons et al., 1998) for how to interact with other people, which generally produces smooth and effective social interactions. A large part of this implicit knowledge—as suggested by embodied approaches such as Soliman and Glenberg’s sensorimotor account of culture (2014) —consists of the interpretation and production of subtle, yet important bodily cues, such as degree of physical touch, amount of physical space between interactors, and types of bodily gestures.
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EMBODIED PREJUDICE 15 In interactions with outgroups that are either unfamiliar or poorly understood , this knowledge can become invalid in two ways. First, differences in implicit (e.g. Soliman & Glenberg, 2014) or explicit group norms may lead to certain bodily cues possessing different meanings across groups—for example, as is the case with physical closeness (Beaulieu, 2004). Second—as will later be discussed in more detail—bodily cues also often possess different meanings in different intergroup contexts . For example, dominant, majority group members often have more favorable judgments (e.g. liking) of ingroup members who mimic them than
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