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133 according to the same observer they practice the

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133 according to the same observer, “they practice the profession in order to live and in order to escape the confinement of the licensed houses.”371When foreign artists contracted venereal disease, they were required under the regulations to be treated for their condition—not unlike their indigenous counterparts.372Due to misconceptions about the requirements and the differentiated treatment of workers based on their places of origin, some perceived that the authorities inconsistently enforced requirements. A social worker in Beirut reported on a case of a German artist who was treated for venereal disease and released to proceed to work in Damascus before returning to Beirut again. According to the report, the artist seemed to be aware of the regulations overseeing her profession, as the social worker reflected in the following way on their interaction with the traveling artist: “When I asked her how it was that she was allowed to remain in the country after being diagnosed with a disease, she said she was surprised herself that she was allowed to remain, as she knew it was the regulation that such cases should be expelled.”373Since the regulations never expelled a foreigner for being “diseased,” only for operating without permission from the authorities, it is no surprise that the worker was allowed to remain. Yet this perception of lax enforcement of regulations can be seen as reflecting tensions over the disparate treatment of foreign and 371Beirut Vigilance Committee, Report Presented to the Commission of Enquiry into Traffic in Women, February 1932. SLA, CWLY 1936/1937. AA.4.3.5. AAUB. Beirut, Lebanon. 372It is important to note the construction of the notion of “foreign sex worker.” While the capitulations reified the difference in meaning between foreign and indigenous, the League’s Advisory Committee on the Traffic of Women and Children required countries to make such distinctions as well. This construction derived from establishing authority based on national sovereignty. Yet the League itself, under the Mandate system, solidified notions of foreignness that did not exist under the Ottomans. This ambiguity exists in the reports to the League, where countries did not distinguish between Lebanese or Syrian sex workers, only listing them as “Syrian.” As the Iraqi government succinctly stated, that it is “to be noted that there is no ‘White Slave’ trade [in Iraq]. The majority of foreign women expelled etc. [thirty-one of the thirty-four being “Syrian,” the remaining three being “Persian”] were foreign only in virtue of the provisions of the [1923] Treaty of Lausanne.” League of Nations, Traffic in Women and Children: Annual Report for 1924 from the Iraq Government. July 13, 1926. C.414.M.150.1926.IV. Geneva, Switzerland. 373Beirut Vigilance Committee, Report Presented to the Commission of Enquiry into Traffic in Women, February 1932. SLA, CWLY 1936/1937. AA.4.3.5. AAUB. Beirut, Lebanon.
134 indigenous workers under the regulatory system. The system of taxation applicable to sex

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