quote is made clear by the Combahee River Collective, organized on the basis of their scorned differences as Black women who wrote: “IfBlack women were free, it would mean thateveryone else would have to be free since our freedom would necessitate the destruction of allthe systems of oppression”(276). Likewise, Chandra Mohanty asks: “Howwould academicfeminist projects be changed if we were accountable to activist/academic communities…?”Her intervention is to “recommit to insurgent knowledges...antiracist, [and] anti-imperialistfeminisms”(987). As shown by those women who decided to stay home January 21st, there are many woman-positive, anti-patriarchal women who do not identify with the feminist movement for avariety of reasons, not to mention the specifically anti-feminist and post-feminist men and women who seem to see nothing wrong with current dynamics of gender-based violence and disparity. This is not a matter of personal preference or identification, but can be understood as the result of mainstream feminism’sexclusionary practices and failure to influence a wider understanding of the ways in which the multiplicity of various oppressions impact women differently. In order to shed its exclusivist image as an elitist, white and academic movement, the cooptation and commodification of radical feminism needs to be acknowledged and reversed. Mainstream single-issue feminism must expand itself to acknowledge that heteropatriarchal
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43 oppression works in conjunction with white supremacy and neo-imperialist capitalism. If feminism’sliberatory aim of creating equity for all women is to be achieved or even taken seriously, feminists must enact a praxis of deep inclusivity that counters the power dynamics of positionality between different women. This means conscientiously and intentionally centering and amplifying the voices of the most marginalized: women of Color, including Black and Indigenous women, transwomen, poor women, and disabled women.