Don't Let the Illegals Vote!.pdf

Beveridge using census data reports more than eight

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Andrew A. Beveridge, using census data, reports more than eight hundred places in the United States that have at least 10 percent Latino citizen voting age population and at-large voting districts like the kind found to violate the VRA in Port Chester. Stories like the one in Port Chester will become increasingly common (personal communication, 2015). 2. The literature on new destinations, and the reception of immigrants in them, is growing (Marrow 2011; Flores 2014, 2015; Longazel 2016; Zuniga and Hernandez 2005; Massey and Sanchez 2008). 3. Each voter gets the same number of votes as there are open seats. Port Chester has six open seats, so voters get six votes (for contemporary public discussion from an interested party, see Slatky 2010). Cumulative voting is little known in the United States, but has been used here (Blair 1958; Goldburg 1994; Sawyer and McRae 1962; Guinier 1994). This content downloaded from 129.2.19.106 on Mon, 04 Feb 2019 03:03:13 UTC All use subject to
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150 u n d o c u m e n t e d i m m ig r a n t s a n d t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e w i t h i l l e g a l i t y r s f : t h e ru s s e l l s ag e f ou n d at io n jou r n a l of t h e s o c i a l s c i e n c e s didates of their choice within a system with no geographical electoral districts, in which can- didates can live anywhere (Engstrom, Taebel, and Cole 1988; Cole, Taebel, and Engstrom 1990). Early voting is thought to raise turnout, especially among minority voters. 4 To properly understand how the myths of voter fraud and illegal Latino voters combined to foster stigma and sometimes discrimination against Latino voters, I first frame the theo- retical and policy questions engaged by these myths, and briefly discuss methods, before turning to Port Chester itself, including review- ing its history to the eve of the VRA lawsuit. IMMIGRANT POLITICAL INTEGRATION, NARRATIVES, AND DISCRIMINATION IN VOTING Political Incorporation of Immigrants, Writ Large Social scientists have studied immigrant incor- poration extensively in recent decades, but fo- cused less explicitly on how political incorpo- ration works on the ground. Sociology has mainly theorized group assimilation, centered on how ethnicity and related processes affect outcomes like social mobility. 5 Although socio- logical studies analyze how discrimination can inhibit integration, most do not explicitly focus on how such processes work in politics (Ra- makrishnan and Bloemraad 2008; Alba and Foner 2009). Historians and political scientists have analyzed how political parties, unions, and churches have all served as institutions to integrate immigrants into political life in the late nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century, but do so less fully as their influence has de- clined; social movements, social media, and other institutions have come to matter more (Erie 1998; Junn and Haynie 2008; Anderson 2008; Wolbrecht and Hero 2005). Work on the political incorporation of minorities first fo- cused squarely on the civil rights movement and African Americans securing the right to vote, and then analyzed African American, La-
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  • Spring '08
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  • Immigration to the United States

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