This in turn provides further protection against the gendered risk of

This in turn provides further protection against the

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adequate occupational pension pots. This, in turn, provides further protection against the gendered risk of inadequate social security coverage in old age. Bringing more women into board and executive roles can also help to disrupt organisational cultures that allow sexual harassment to persist. Workplace sexual harassment is inherently gendered: although men can be subject to it and are not always the perpetrators, most sexual harassment is committed against women by men (McLaughlin et al., 2012). Recent surveys in the UK suggest that around half of working women have experienced sexual harassment in the last year, while the #MeToo movement highlights how prevalent the problem is for women at all levels of the labour market and across multiple industries, from entertainment to teaching, healthcare, and hospitality. Yet, the underrepresentation of women among board and executive roles may result in a lack of awareness among a company’s leadership team of the extent of sexual harassment within the firm (Women and Equalities Committee, 2018). Relatedly, it may impede the provision of sexual harassment policies at the firm-level that meet the needs of women (and others) who are harassed (Bell et al., 2002a). This is because women in leadership positions are more likely than their male counterparts to have experienced sexual harassment personally. There is also evidence that women are more likely than men to understand ‘borderline’ behaviours, such as sexual jokes , persistent requests for dates, or inappropriate comments about one’s sex life, as harassment and possibly frightening, rather than to dismiss them as innocuous or even flattering (e.g. Bell et al., 2002a; Bitton and Shaul, 2016). Thus, as Konrad et al. (2008) found, female board members may act as
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12 ‘protagonists’ in workplace sexual harassment cases, in that they encourage organisations to take women’s claims seriously . Accordingly, redistributing the gendered division of power at the top of the labour market can contribute to safeguarding women’s ‘body rights’, whi ch include protection from sexual harassment (e.g. O'Connor et al., 1999; Brush, 2002). Body rights tend not to be considered in mainstream analyses of the welfare state. However, as feminists have long argued, ‘d efamilialisation ’ – i.e. how well-protected individuals are from dependence on a partner - is a precondition for women’s full citizenship, and paid employment is a major route through which women’s economic autonomy outside the home is achieved (Orloff, 1993; Lister, 1994; O'Connor et al., 1999). Yet, as MacKinnon (1979) argues, sexual harassment undercuts such autonomy. Harassment reduces women to sexual objects, thereby contradicting their other identities, such as that of competent worker (Quinn, 2002). It upholds male domination of and control over women’s sexuality and bodies, providing a mechanism through which women’s subordination and unequal power relations in the workplace and society at large are maintained (Hakim, 2016). Particularly when a woman is sexually harassed by a manager or senior co-worker, her financial dependence on a man
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