estant world it certainly did not for the southern Atlan tic Catholic world

Estant world it certainly did not for the southern

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estant world, it certainly did not for the southern Atlan- tic Catholic world, which remained resolutely Catho- lic, not admitting of Cartesian, Baconian, or Lockean thought until the late eighteenth century (Lanning 1940 ; Herr 1958 ; Lavrin 1996 ). To be clear, the Spanish- American road to a disenchanted world was not a be- lated one, but an alternate, divergent road to modernity, as Divergent Modernities: Culture and Politics in Nineteenth- Century Latin America, the translation of Julio Ramos’s foundational book Desencuentros de la modernidad en América Latina: Literatura y política en el siglo XIX declares ( 2001 ). At the outer realm of this Spanish American cosmos was the universal Catholic- Christian Hispanic imaginary, consisting of all members of the Hispanic monarchy, from Spain to Spanish America to the Philip- pines (Rafael 2010 ). Next were the various kingdoms or viceroyalties comprising the global Hispanic monarchy, followed by regional imaginaries, what may be associ- ated with the patria chica . It was these layered, concen- tric, and at times competing loyalties, at different affec- tive levels, that had to be reconfigured into the love of the nation (Annino and Guerra 2003 ). This legacy of belonging to multiple, related commu- nities can be traced throughout the nineteenth century and, arguably, the present. It helps explain the profound solidarity between revolutionaries from throughout Spanish America, each finding common cause in their struggle against Spain even as they sought to construct their particular nationally imagined community. And yet the struggle was not always against Spain. As Jaime <i>Keywords for Latina/o Studies</i>, edited by Deborah R. Vargas, et al., New York University Press, 2017. ProQuest Ebook Central, . Created from nyulibrary-ebooks on 2019-10-01 22:02:13. Copyright © 2017. New York University Press. All rights reserved.
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n A t I o n A L I s m r a ú l C o r o n a d o 149 E. Rodríguez O. ( 1998 ) has persuasively argued, the wars of Spanish-American independence erupted, first, as a global civil war. Grievances and radical calls for reform defined these early struggles. But as it became clear that reform would not come soon, Mexico and other coun- tries on the American mainland shifted their sight to- ward independence. Meanwhile, in Cuba and Puerto Rico, planters and merchants prospered from the unfolding sugar boom and lucrative slave trade, thus thwarting the cause of national independence (Poyo 1989 ; Schmidt-Nowara 1999 ; Figueroa 2005 ). Indeed, nineteenth- century Spanish American na- tionalisms sought with desperation—as all nationalisms do— the hearts of their citizens (Brading 1985 ; Franco 1999 ; Chiaramonte 2004 ; Chiaramonte, Marichal, and Granados García 2008 ; Rodríguez O. 2008 ). The absence of a free press during the colonial period, which had sty- mied the cultivation of consensus across large swaths of Spanish America, explains, in part, the difficulty of nation- states to congeal (Mexico, for example, experi- enced a coup virtually every two years for the first fifty
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