Its part of the drinking water in american high

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It’s part of the drinking water in American high schools. Kimmel’s (2013, 2018) research on angry white men builds on this suggestion in Pascoe’s research, suggesting that many American men (white men in particular) perceive themselves as being denied social positions and status in social hierarchies that they feel is rightfully theirs. Indeed, Tonso (2009) found that many young men in the U.S. experience a sense of shame and humiliation that stems, in part, from their perceived loss of privilegean experience acutely experienced in small social networks, like schools. In Jennifer Carlson’s (2015a, 2015b) study of American gun owners, she found many men talked about a very specific kind of “nostalgic longing for a particular version of America” (2015b: 390). Some invoked it by name, referring to it as “Mayberry” or “Mayberry America.” They were relying on a fictional town in North Carolina from The Andy Griffith Showa 1960s era family sitcom representing a family in a small community of suburban single-family homes, safety and security. Though historian Stephanie Coontz (1992) has shown that this image of mid-century American family life has always been more fiction than fact, “Mayberry” represents a symbolic image of some of what has been lost to many American men. In an age of economic decline, the men in Carlson’s study are living through the evaporation of the manufacturing economy in the U.S. While previous generations of men might have been able to “do” gender by economically providing for their households, this is less possible for many men today. And the men in Carlson’s study use guns to mourn this social, cultural, and economic transition—a cultural process Carlson (2015a) refers to as “mourning Mayberry.”Indeed, in Yamane’s (2017) history of U.S. gun culture, he argues that at the end of the turn of the 21stcentury, U.S. gun culture shifted from a culture of recreation to one of armed self-defense and citizenship. And scholarship on gun owners like Carlson’s reflect this shift (e.g., Carlson 2015a, 2015b; Stroud 2012). In Stroud’s (2012) analysis of who was applying for concealed carry licenses, she found that the vast majority of applicants were white men. And racial anxiety was a primary motivation cited by the white men in Stroud’s study. In Carlson’s (2015a) research, she shows how the large swathes of men unable to access a “breadwinner” model of masculinity led to a rise of what she terms “protector masculinity”—a model of manhood in which guns provide evidence of gendered status. In support of this, Mencken and Froese (2017) discovered that white men who have experienced economic setbacks or who experience a great deal of anxiety about their economic futures are the group of gun owners mostattached to their guns. As they write, “white men in economic distress find comfort in guns as a means to reestablish a sense of individual power and moral certitude in the face of changing times” (2017: 22). And the most recent data on gun ownership in the U.S. shows that
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