to a close and that over 1.1 billion people, most of them poor, would
be absorbed by cities of the developing world. McNamara
acknowledged that the challenges of urbanization in the developing
world are more complex than the problem of poverty in the
coun
agencies approved by Congress as part of the Kennedy
administrations Alliance for Progress (discussed in Chapter 2), this
fund granted US$525 million in loans and concessional terms for
projects in the fields of land settlements, improved land uses,
housi
urban agenda at the World Bank A parallel program on urban
research was launched within the Development Economics
Department (DED) of the Bank, headed by Douglas Keare.19 Keare
began working at the Bank in 1967 as its representative in East
Pakistan. In 1
regulations Promote the informal sector Security and legality of
tenure to replace squatting Upgrade family planning efforts Type II
Over half of the population live in rural areas Improve physical
infrastructure Promote export-oriented industrial develop
that criticism was the fact that the newly created department faced
numerous bureaucratic challenges in designing appropriate programs
during a period of great organizational change within the Bank and
political change outside of it. Jaycox observed that
theorists to argue that the goals of fulfilling basic humans needs and
alleviating poverty should share the same high priority given to
economic growth (ILO 1976; Srinivasan 1977; Streeten 1977; Rimmer
1981; Streeten et al. 1981). By the early 1960s, the
Third World urbanization would have to be addressed, but little else.
On the last day of the gathering, Jaycox expressed his disappointment
to Otto Koenigsberger over lunch: What the hell am I going to do? I
have all these people and we have to finish aft
urban policy. Such measures, however, did not deal with the realities
confronting the cities of the developing world, for McNamara: 88 The
search for an urban agenda at the World Bank too often cities have
failed to find any solution short of demolition t
headed by Robert Sadove, mentioned above.]21 While the Special
Projects Division concentrated on the new sites-andservices loan to
Senegal and getting new proposals ready for board approval, the
urban research section of the DED devoted its resources and
program, financial viability, etc., Bohr did acknowledge that the
analogy should not be carried too far.15 The new focus on rapid
urbanization in developing countries would amount to a considerable
change new problems, new ways of looking at old problems,
agenda at the World Bank for the Bank, and that the Banks
programs ought to have a positive impact on the absolute poor of
the developing worlds urban areas (ibid.). The Task Force
recommended a number of goals for the Banks urban lending
program. With re
belief that urban investment . . . would direct much needed resources
away from the rural sector, individuals within and outside the Bank
gradually began to realize and argue that a focus on rural
development alone would not address the multiple manifesta
to the urban political economy. Third, it became apparent that the
income gap between rich and poor in the developing world did not
simply coincide with the divide between rich urban centers and poor
rural areas; there were massive disparities within urba
Less than a quarter of the projects could be said to have favorable
impacts for the urban poor in improving their relative access to urban
services; some positive impact on urban institutions and/or policies
could be deduced in only a third of the project
involved in lowincome housing in order to reduce the appeal of
communism among the urban poor of developing countries 78 The
search for an urban agenda at the World Bank increasingly came to
accept squatter settlements as an inevitable consequence of Thir
search for an urban agenda at the World Bank 85 general policy
recommendations, the report proposed recommendations for a
typology of four different patterns of urbanization in the developing
world (Table 3.3). The second publication of the Task Force was
not publish world development reports then. In fact, these addresses
were the principal vehicles for delivering the Banks statement of
policy to the development community. In the contemporary period,
the world development reports have replaced presidentia
L.J. C. Evans, Director Population Projects Department: K.
Kanagaratnam, Director Industrial Projects Department:H. Fuchs,
Director Education Projects Department: D.S. Ballantine, Director
SPECIAL PROJECTS DEPARTMENT: R. SADOVE, DIRECTOR Public
Utilities
coordinated the 84 The search for an urban agenda at the World Bank
Urban Poverty Task Force to investigate the nature and extent of
urban poverty, as well as how the Bank might respond to it. Under the
direction of Michael Cohen, the Task Force produced
of social disorganization is false and that squatters are actually
integrated into mainstream society, but in a manner detrimental to
their own interests. The studies of Perlman and Turner were decisive
in easing some official antipathy toward squatter se
adhere to this general pattern . . . [The Bank] must find ways of
reaching the poor directly in areas that it has hitherto not touched
such as service enterprises, small-scale operations, the self-employed
artisans, and cottage industries. (Jaycox 1978:
the deficiencies in service and facilities in the large cities of developing
countries . . . What we dont have is some quantitative estimate of
these various situations that might provide a basis for a comparison
[of] problems and cities and a realistic e
Cargill, senior vice-president for finance, wrote in a memo, I am
surprised that urban poverty should be regarded as an important
topic for McNamaras speech. None of these social problems,
including this one, can really be resolved except in the context o
an urban agenda at the World Bank 73 long hours in the new
factories, competition for jobs, and child labor, all recall the scene that
made The Communist Manifesto an alluring document in nineteenthcentury Europe. (ibid.: 99) The geo-political calculation
viewed as a major variant of the self-help technique (ibid.: 181).
Cores referred to the mass-produced dwelling spaces of one or two
rooms that families could move into immediately and expand later. He
concluded that this might be a more effective strateg
hectare, which assumes the continuing spread of technology,
fundamental questions remain. How much labor can be productively
absorbed in the development process? Can per capita rural incomes
be raised to reasonable levels without the substantial exodus of
sources of political unrest. A 1962 Senate sub-committee report on
international housing programs is also transparent in this regard:
Social and political unrest and Communism are natural consequences
of squalor conditions. The actions of these large mass
makers took heed and endorsed Abramss proposal in an early
experiment in self-help housing. Abrams (1964) later adapted this
proposal for Bolivia, Nigeria, and other countries. While he believed
that self-help housing could help meet low-income housing ne
Although it initially focused on creating capitalgenerating institutions
to finance middle-income housing, by the mid-1960s, the HIGP began
to assist low-income families with self-help housing. Abrams knew
that USAIDs housing programs were partly driven b
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