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1. Summarize the article. Be sure to mention how the author illustrates

the social construction of classism. (5 points) (1-2 paragraphs)
2. List and describe the life experiences of either a child growing up in an advantaged family OR a child growing up in a disadvantaged family. Provide five examples, including explicit examples of experiences in the prenatal development, childhood, and early adulthood. (10 points) (2-3 paragraphs)
For Question #2, put your answers in a bulleted list. Mimic the following format:
Child Growing Up in an Advantaged Family (or Child Growing Up in a Disadvantaged Family)

-1st advantaged experience: a 1-3 sentence description of the advantage/disadvantage
-2nd advantaged experience: a 1-3 sentence description of the advantage/disadvantage
-3rd advantaged experience: a 1-3 sentence description of the advantage/disadvantage
-4th advantaged experience: a 1-3 sentence description of the advantage/disadvantage
-5th advantaged experience: a 1-3 sentence description of the advantage/disadvantage

25 Diverging Development: The Not-So-lnvisible Hand of Social Class in the United States The advantages and. disadvantages associated with, social class position build up over time, creating huge developmental differences in the course of growing up. This chapter discusses how development is shaped by social class position and, how the processes associated with class position are either mitigated or ampli- fied over the early part of the life course. By early adulthood, gaping disparities exist between children growing up in disadvantaged and advantaged families. I discuss how these trajectories pose special problems for less advantaged youth making the transition to adulthood due to the need for resources to pay for higher education. merica has never been a class-conscious society by the standards of the rest of the world. The notion that social class determines a person's life chances has always been anathema to this country's democratic ideology. Some of the earliest observers of American society, most notably Alexis de Tocqueville, 1 noted the disdain among American citizens for class distinctions compared with the acceptance of stratification in France or the rest of Europe. Although social class was far more prominent and salient in the United States when Tocqueville visited in the 1830s than it is today, from the country's very inception, the seemingly boundless possibilities of land ownership and the ideology of upward mobility softened its contours. The idea that any American by dint of good character and hard work could rise up the social ladder has long been celebrated, no more clearly than in the great, American myth of Horatio Alger. That "rags to riches" Frank F. Furstenberg, Jr.
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parable instructed young men—and it was men—how to make their fortunes in nineteenth-century America. Curiously, the United States, long regarded as the land of opportunity, has never entirely lived up to its billing. Studies comparing social mobility in the United States with that in our Western counterparts have failed to demonstrate that social mobility is higher here than in other industrialized nations. 2 Yet, Americans seem as oblivious to class gradations today as they have ever been. Most of us declare that we are middle class, and finer distinctions such as working class and upper middle class have all but vanished in the popular vernacular and even in social science research. Yet, -as the salience of social class has declined during the past several decades, we have witnessed a huge rise in economic inequality. 5 When I was entering academic sociology more than four decades ago, the social world was described very differently than it is today. Even while recogniz- ing the muted notions of social class held by most Americans, social scientists were keenly attentive to, if not obsessed with, distinctions in values, lifestyle, and social practices that were inculcated in the family and linked to social mobility. 4 Indeed, the idea that parents in different social strata deliberately or unintention- ally shaped their children's ambitions, goals, and habits, which in turn affected their chances of moving up the social ladder, was widely supported by a large body of literature in psychology, sociology, and economics. These studies showed how families at different rungs on the social ladder held distinctive worldviews and adhered to different ideas of development. 5 Most of all, social scientists believed that life chances were highly constrained by values and skills acquired in the family and by the structures of opportunity in the. child's immediate envi- ronment that shaped his (and it usually was his) chances of economic success. Fine gradations of social class could be linked to virtually everything from toilet training to marriage practices. 5 Social class, not so long ago the most powerful analytic category in the researcher's conceptual toolbox, has now been largely eclipsed by an emphasis on gender, race, and ethnicity. Socioeconomic status has been reduced to a variable, mostly one that is often statistically controlled, to permit researchers to focus on the effect of determinants other than social class. With relatively few exceptions, we have stopped measuring altogether the finer grade distinctions of growing up with differing resources. True, we continue to look at poverty and economic disadvantage with no less interest than before, and we certainly understand that affluence and education make a huge difference. Yet, most developmentalists view economic status as a continuum that defies qualitatively finer breakdowns. Consequently, working-class, lower-middle-class families, or even families in the middle of the income distribution are concealed rather than revealed by com- bining income, education, and occupation, without regard to the particulars of
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